The Humphead Wrasse, Cheilinus undulatus :: essays research papers

The Humphead Wrasse, Cheilinus undulatus The Humphead wrasse, Cheilinus undulatus, is the largest member of the family Labridae and widely distributed across the reefs of the Indo-Pacific. It is found from the Red Sea and African coast, across the Indian Ocean and much of the Pacific, north to southern Japan and the coast of southern China, and south to New Caledonia. In English it is mostly commonly referred to as the Humphead, Maori or Napoleon wrasse. Fishery management The species has a high economic value and is a special favorite of both the live reef food fish trade and with recreational divers.The Humphead wrasse is vulnerable to fishing due to its long life and late sexual maturation (which occurs at approximately 50 cm total length and 5 years of age). This means that its life history is one that involves slow replacement (and hence slow recovery from fishing) rates. Because of its high value as food, it is heavily sought by fishers and traders. As part of the live food fish market, its value is likely to increase with rarity, so fishers will continue to fish this species even as its numbers decline. Humphead wrasse fisheries are mostly unmanaged and, even if managed 'on paper', there is usually little management or monitoring of Humphead wrasse in local fisheries. Monitoring is needed, both of local capture and of exports. Without proper management and monitoring, it is impossible to know whether current capture rates are sustainable or to e stablish safe quotas capture. On the other hand, its value to diving tourism will remain high if it is protected and remains alive in the wild. Live Reef Food Fish Trade While there is some capture for local use, particularly in the western and central Pacific, the Humphead wrasse is primarily taken for export as part of the valuable live reef food fish trade which is centred in SE Asia. All fish in this trade are wild-caught since commercial level hatchery propagation of this species is not yet possible. The major importing countries are China (especially Hong Kong), Taiwan and Singapore. Fish are exported especially from Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and from some western Pacific Islands. Hong Kong is the biggest consumer/transshipment centre for the live seafood market, including for the Humphead wrasse. Hong Kong re-exports significant but undocumented volumes of Humphead wrasse into mainland, particularly southern, China, according to traders and to market surveys.

Haiti Earthquake Essay

January 12, 2010 became the moment of tragedy for the population of Haiti: an earthquake of terrible force stroke the small island, killing and injuring thousands of people. The earthquake turned into a devastating power, destroying everything in the epicenter and miles beyond. It was the most powerful earthquake in Haiti in more than 100 years. Now, several months after the tragic event, Haitian authorities still work to restore the economic and social stability in the region. Earthquakes are difficult to predict – the Haiti earthquake did not have any warning signs or foreshocks. It was equally unexpected and powerful. The aftershocks that followed confirmed the complexity of the natural processes that usually occur during earthquakes. The terrible earthquake that stroke Haiti on January 12th, 2010 affected around three million people, with between 100,000 and 200,000 dead (Physics Today, 2010). Measured 7. 0 according to the earthquake magnitude, the Haiti quake became the most powerful and the most devastating in the region over the last 100 years (Physics Today, 2010). 7.  0 earthquakes are believed to be large, but not huge, and the Haiti earthquake was not the strongest and the most tragic in the human history. For the regions with high seismic activity, 7. 0-8. 0-magnitude earthquakes are a norm of life which, despite its power and negative consequences, is impossible to escape. In case of the Haiti earthquake, three essential factors contributed to the human and material losses: first, the epicenter was in 10 miles from the capital city, Port-au-Prince (Physics Today, 2010). Second, the earthquake was shallow by itself; in other words, it was only 10-15 kilometers below the land’s surface (Physics Today, 2010). Third, given the state of the Haitian economy and the level of poverty in the region, most of the local buildings were not designed to withstand the pressure of an earthquake and simply collapsed (Physics Today, 2010). The three mentioned factors turned the Haiti earthquake for the worst-case scenario for its people (Physics Today, 2010). A belief persists that the current state of technology facilitates the prediction of earthquakes. Today, thousands of people are confident that seismologists could have predicted the course of events in Haiti. Yet, the reality is quite different. Notwithstanding the recent technological advancements, predicting earthquakes (especially, in the long run) is still far from possible. No, that does not mean that seismologists do not monitor tectonic activity. Monitoring zones like Haiti â€Å"around the world to get a general sense of where the next such pops may happen is not that difficult, mostly because tectonic activity is hard to conceal completely† (Kluger, 2010). Scientists have information and technologies necessary to make predictions about where on the landscape earthquakes are the likeliest to occur, but forecasting in the long term is problematic and rarely objective (Kluger, 2010). During the 18th Caribbean Geological Conference in March 2008, five scientists presented their paper, stating that the tectonic zone on the southeastern side of the island was a serious seismic hazard (Griggs, 2010). The scientists had been increasingly concerned about the fault zone which, eventually, became the source of the major problems and the epicenter of the earthquake. Professionals justify the lack of attention toward the report by the fact that such strikes and zones can remain dormant for hundreds of years (Griggs, 2010). Given the difficulties which seismologists usually experience in the process of predicting earthquakes, the reliability of their reports is often questionable. The findings presented on the 2008 Conference followed the 2004 study in the Journal of Geophysical Research, which reported an increased earthquake risk in the Septentrional fault zone near Haiti, not far from the Dominican Republic (Griggs, 2010). However, because Haiti is fairly regarded as one of the most active seismic zones in the world, even the heightened seismic activity does not necessarily imply that the region is facing an earthquake threat: the nearest strike can occur years and decades later. The Haiti earthquake was unique in the sense that it was not preceded by any evacuations or warning signs. The earth in Haiti did not give any sign of a foreshock and did not send either a water or an electrical signal (Kluger, 2010). Even the P wave equipment, which seismologists use to detect vibrations, did not display any changes in the tectonic activity in the region (Kluger, 2010). People did not have a chance to foresee the events that would follow the first shake. The earthquake stroke at 21:53 UTC, January 12, 2010, in South Haiti, not far from the capital Port-au-Prince (RMS, 2010). The quake was felt across the Haiti region, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and the Southern Bahamas, up to the northeast and southeast coasts of Cuba (RMS, 2010). The two cities closest to the epicenter, Port-au-Prince and Jacmel, experienced up to 7. 0 intensity shaking on the MMI scale (RMS, 2010). The strikes of such intensity usually cause moderate damage to property (RMS, 2010). The earthquake was not followed by a tsunami, and no tsunami warning was issued (RMS, 2010). Seismologists tend to differentiate between the three different types of earthquakes. The dip-slip-fault means than one clashing plate slides under the other (Kluger, 2010). The reverse dip-slip fault implies that tectonic plates pull apart (Kluger, 2010). The strike-slip is associated with a sideways grinding of the plates (Kluger, 2010). The Haiti earthquake was of the strike-slip type, meaning that the two tectonic plates on the both sides of the fault moved in opposite directions – the Caribbean Plate went east, while the Gonvave Platelet moved to the west (Physics Today, 2010). The more interesting and important, however, what people are likely to experience during an earthquake of the magnitude similar to that in Haiti. A missionary from Haiti said: â€Å"It felt like a train was coming down the road. It (the house) wasn’t shaking, it was rocking. I went outside and the vehicle in the driveway was rocking, glass breaking all around the house† (Leach, 2010). Another witness described the beginning of the earthquake as the rumbling of the ground underneath his feet: he saw a 400sq m house collapsing on the ground, with people trying to pull an elderly woman out of the rubble (Leach, 2010). Everything was shaking, people were screaming, while houses kept collapsing (Leach, 2010). Like any other earthquake, the one that stroke Haiti threw people into the whirl of shaking, trembling, and noise. Within minutes after the strike, witnesses could see a huge cloud of dust and smoke rising from the Haiti capital (Leach, 2010). The moment of the first shock was only the beginning in a series of aftershocks that followed. By Friday, 22 January, seismologists noted 54 aftershocks between Mw 4. 0 and 7. 0 (RMS, 2010). The two largest aftershocks rated Mw 5. 9 (RMS, 2010). The first aftershock occurred minutes after the main quake and was located 20 miles southwest of the mainshock (RMS, 2010). The second stroke the island eight days after the mainshock, on January 20, 2010 (RMS, 2010). Seismologists report that both aftershocks could not reach intensity higher than V which, according to the MMI scale, would cause very light damage to buildings (RMS, 2010). However, buildings in Haiti had not been designed to withstand the pressure of an earthquake; moreover, by the time the aftershock occurred, they had already been weakened – as a result, the second aftershock could readily turn into another serious attack on the Haitian property. The aftershock that hit Haiti on January 20, 2010 frightened the Haitians, already traumatized by the devastating earthquake that had happened several days before (Murphy, 2010). Those who survived experienced the growing fear and concern about their lives and the property that had not collapsed during the mainshock. Yet, the aftershocks caused little or no additional damage (Murphy, 2010). It should be noted, that although 6. 1 and 7. 0 magnitude look almost similar, the difference between the two is much greater. Unlike temperature scales, in which units of increase are constant, the method used to measure earthquake magnitudes is logarithmic. What this generally means is that the amount of shaking [†¦] caused by a 5. 0 earthquake is 10 times less than that caused by a 6. 0 earthquake and 100 times less of that caused by a 7. 0 earthquake. † (Murphy, 2010) Earthquakes of the magnitude between 6. 0 and 7. 0 are not uncommon in the Haitian region, and the aftershocks that followed the devastating earthquake on the 12th January were not significant. The effects of the aftershocks were more emotional than physical which, given the seriousness and the consequences of the event, were natural and justified. Today, when Haiti struggles to eliminate the consequences of the quake and to restore the economic stability in the region, seismologists and scholars in geology science keep arguing about whether the Haiti earthquake could have been predicted. Whether seismologists could have predicted the Haiti earthquake is no longer important, and it is equally difficult to estimate the value and importance of the 2008 scientific report. Nevertheless, the Haiti earthquake teaches seismologists numerous lessons and once again emphasizes the need to develop sound technologies and systems, which would predict earthquakes and warn local populations about them. Conclusion The Haiti Earthquake hit the island on January 12, 2010. With the magnitude not higher than 7. 0, the quake turned out to be the worst-case scenario for Haiti, killing and injuring thousands of local residents. The quakes of such magnitude are believed to cause average damage to people and property, but Haiti historically lacked resources necessary to build houses, which would withstand an earthquake. As a result, buildings collapsed, killing thousands and injuring even more. No warning signs or evacuations preceded the earthquake; it was equally immediate and unexpected. People felt the land shaking and rumbling beneath their feet, with a cloud of smoke and dust rising above the capital. A series of aftershocks that followed did not cause much additional damage but became the source of serious emotional effects. The Haiti earthquake was another good lesson to seismologists, and once again emphasized the need to develop sound technologies which would predict earthquakes and warn populations about it.

A Brief Summary of the Second Great Awakening

The Second Great Awakening (1790–1840) was a time of evangelical fervor and revival in the newly formed nation of America. The British colonies were settled by many individuals who were looking for a place to worship their Christian religion free from persecution. As such, America arose as a religious nation as observed by Alexis de Tocqueville and others. Part and parcel with these strong beliefs came a fear of secularism. Key Takeaways: The Second Great Awakening The Second Great Awakening took place in the new United States between 1790 and 1840.It pushed the idea of individual salvation and free will over predestination.It greatly increased the number of Christians both in New England and on the frontier.  Revivals and public conversions became social events that continue to this day.  The African Methodist Church was founded in Philadelphia.Mormonism was founded and led to the faiths settlement in Salt Lake City, Utah. This fear of secularism had arisen  during the Enlightenment, which resulted in the First Great Awakening (1720–1745). The ideas of social equality that came about with the advent of the new nation trickled down to religion, and the movement to be known as the Second Great Awakening began about 1790. Specifically, Methodists and Baptists began an effort to democratize religion. Unlike  the Episcopalian religion, ministers in these sects were typically uneducated. Unlike the Calvinists, they believed and preached in salvation for all. What Was the Great Revival? At the beginning of the Second Great Awakening, preachers brought their message to the people with great fanfare and excitement in the form of a traveling revival. The earliest of the tent revivals focused on the Appalachian frontier, but they quickly moved into the area of the original colonies. These revivals were social events where faith was renewed. The Baptists and Methodists often worked together in these revivals. Both religions believed in free will with personal redemption. The Baptists were highly decentralized with no hierarchical structure in place and preachers lived and worked among their congregation.  The Methodists, on the  other hand, had more of an internal structure in place. Individual preachers like the Methodist bishop Francis Asbury (1745–1816) and the Backwoods Preacher Peter Cartwright (1785–1872) would travel the frontier on horseback converting people to the Methodist faith. They were quite successful and by the 1840s the Methodists were the largest Protestant group in America. Revival meetings were not restricted to the frontier or to white people. In many areas, particularly the south, blacks held separate revivals at the same time with the two groups joining together on the last day. Black Harry Hosier (1750–1906), the first African-American Methodist preacher and a fabled orator despite being illiterate, was a crossover success in both black and white revivals.  His efforts and those of the ordained minister Richard Allen (1760–1831) led to the founding of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME) in 1794. The revival meetings were not small affairs. Thousands would meet in camp meetings, and many times the event turned quite chaotic with impromptu singing or shouting, individuals speaking in tongues, and dancing in the aisles. What Is a Burned-Over District? The height of the Second Great Awakening came in the 1830s. There was a  great increase in churches across the nation, particularly across New England. So much excitement and intensity accompanied evangelical revivals that in upper New York and Canada, areas were titled Burned-Over Districts—where spiritual fervor was so high it seemed to set the places on fire. The most significant revivalist in this area was the Presbyterian minister Charles Grandison Finney (1792–1875) who was ordained in 1823. One key change he made was in promoting mass conversions during revival meetings. No longer were individuals converting alone. Instead, they were joined by neighbors, converting en masse.  In 1839, Finney preached in Rochester and made an estimated 100,000 converts. When Did Mormonism Arise? One significant byproduct of the revival furor in the Burned-Over Districts was the founding of Mormonism. Joseph Smith (1805–1844) lived in upstate New York when he received visions in 1820. A few years later, he reported the discovery of the Book of Mormon, which he said was a lost section of the Bible. He soon founded his own church and began converting people to his faith. Soon persecuted for their beliefs, the group left New York moving first to Ohio, then Missouri, and finally Nauvoo, Illinois, where they lived for five years. At that time, an anti-Mormon lynch mob found and killed Joseph and his brother  Hyrum Smith (1800–1844). Brigham Young (1801–1877) arose as Smiths successor and led the Mormons away to Utah, where they settled in Salt Lake City. Sources and Further Reading Bilhartz, Terry D. Urban Religion and the Second Great Awakening: Church and Society in Early National Baltimore. Cranbery NJ: Associated University Presses, 1986.  Hankins, Barry. The Second Great Awakening and the Transcendentalists. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 2004.Perciaccante, Marianne. Calling Down Fire: Charles Grandison Finney and Revivalism in Jefferson County, New York, 1800–1840. Albany NY: State University of New York Press, 2003.  Pritchard, Linda K. The Burned-over District Reconsidered: A Portent of Evolving Religious Pluralism in the United States. Social Science History 8.3 (1984): 243–65.Shiels, Richard D. The Second Great Awakening in Connecticut: Critique of the Traditional Interpretation. Church History 49.4 (1980): 401–15.